筆記 The Bazaar Economy: Information and Search in Peasant Marketing

 1.      搜尋是成本。降低雜訊，克服交易成本，使交易對手雙方的互動關係穩定化，是集巿之特徵。

2.      陌生人交易與熟悉者交易，有著不同的性質。

 

The Bazaar Economy: Information and Search in Peasant Marketing	市集經濟：農民行銷中的資訊與搜尋
By CLIFFORD Geertz*	作者：克利福德‧格爾茨*
詳細書目：Geertz, C. (2018). The bazaar economy: Information and search in peasant marketing. In The sociology of economic life (pp. 118-124). Routledge.	詳細書目的： Geertz, C. (2018)。市集經濟：農民行銷中的資訊與搜尋。參見《經濟生活社會學》（第 118-124 頁）。勞特利奇。
There have been a number of points at which anthropology and economics have come to confront one another over the last several decades-development theory; preindustrial history; colonial domination. Here I want to discuss another where the interchange between the two disciplines may grow even more intimate; one where they may come actually to contribute to each other rather than, as has often been the case, skimming off the other's more generalized ideas and misapplying them. This is the study of peasant market systems, or what I will call bazaar economies.	過去幾十年來，人類學和經濟學在許多問題上相互對峙——發展理論；前工業化歷史；殖民統治。在這裡我想討論另一個可能使兩個學科之間的交流變得更加密切的問題：他們可能會真正為彼此做出貢獻，而不是像通常的情況那樣，攫取對方更普遍的想法並誤用它們。這是對農民市場系統的研究，或者我稱之為集市經濟。
There has been by now a long tradition of peasant market studies in anthropology. Much of it has been merely descriptive---inductivism gone berserk. That part which has had analytical interests has tended to divide itself into two approaches. Either the bazaar is seen as the nearest real world institution to the purely competitive market of neoclassical economics-penny capitalism"; or it is regarded as an institution so embedded in its sociocultural context as to escape the reach of modern economic analysis altogether. These contrasting approaches have formed the poles of an extended debate between economic anthropologists designated "formalists" and those designated “substantivists,” a debate that has now rather staled for all but the most persevering.	迄今為止，人類學領域的農民市場研究已有悠久的傳統。其中大部分內容只是描述性的——歸納主義已經變得瘋狂。具有分析興趣的部分傾向於將自己分為兩種方法。集市要麼被視為最接近新古典經濟學純粹競爭市場——便士資本主義的現實世界機構；要麼被視為深深植根於其社會文化背景以至於完全脫離了現代經濟分析範圍的機構。這些方法已經成為被稱為「形式主義者」的經濟人類學家和那些被稱為「實質主義者」的經濟人類學家之間長期爭論的兩極，這場爭論現在對所有人來說都相當停滯，除了最堅持不懈的人之外。
Some recent developments in economic theory having to do with the role of information, communication, and knowledge in exchange processes (see Michael Spence; George Stigler; Kenneth Arrow; George Akerlof; Albert Rees) promise to mute this formalism-substantivism contrast. Not only do they provide us with an analytic framework more suitable to understanding how bazaars work than do models of pure competition; they also allow the incorporation of sociocultural factors into the body of discussion rather than relegating them to the status of boundary matters. In addition, their actual use on empirical cases outside the modern "developed" context may serve to demonstrate that they have more serious implications for standard economic theory and are less easily assimilable to received paradigms than at least some of their proponents might imagine. If this is so, then the interaction of anthropology and economics may come for once to be more than an exchange of exotic facts for parochial concepts and develop into a reciprocally seditious endeavor useful to both.	經濟理論的一些最新發展與資訊、交流和知識在交換過程中的作用有關（參見邁克爾·斯彭斯、喬治·斯蒂格勒、肯尼思·阿羅、喬治·阿克洛夫、阿爾伯特·里斯），有望消除這種形式主義與實體主義的對比。它們不僅為我們提供了一個更適合的分析框架 與純粹競爭模式相比，我們更了解集市的運作方式；它們還允許將社會文化因素納入討論主體，而不是將其降級為邊界問題。此外，它們在現代「發達」背景之外的經驗案例中的實際使用可能會有所幫助 證明它們對標準經濟理論有更嚴重的影響，並且不像它們的一些支持者想像的那樣容易被接受的範式所吸收。如果是這樣，那麼人類學和經濟學的相互作用可能會第一次不僅僅是用異國情調的事實來交換狹隘的概念，而是發展成為一種對雙方都有利的相互煽動性的努力。
I	I
The bazaar economy upon which my discussion is based is that of a town and countryside region at the foot of the Middle Atlas in Morocco I have been studying since the mid-1960's. (During the 1950's. I studied similar economies in Indonesia. See the author, 1963.) Walled, ethnically heterogeneous, and quite traditional, the town is called Sefrou, as is the region, and it has been there for a millenium. Once an important caravan stop on the route south from Fez to the Sahara, it has been, for about a century, a thriving market center of 15,000-30,000 people.	1960 年代中期以來一直在研究的摩洛哥中阿特拉斯山腳下的一個城鎮和鄉村地區的集市經濟。 （在 1950 年代。我在印尼研究了類似的經濟。參見作者，1963 年。）這個城鎮有圍牆，種族異質，而且非常傳統，被稱為塞夫魯（ Sefrou ），就像該地區一樣，它已經在那裡存在了千年了。它曾經是非斯向南通往撒哈拉沙漠途中的重要商隊停靠站，大約一個世紀以來，它一直是一個擁有 15,000-30,000 人的繁榮市場中心。
There are two sorts of bazaar there: 1) a permanent one, consisting of the trading quarters of the old town; 2) a periodic one. which meets at various spots-here for rugs, there for grain-outside the walls on Thursdays, as part of a very complex regional cycle involving various other market places and the other days of the week. The two sorts of bazaar are distinct but their boundaries are quite permeable, so that individuals move freely between them, and they operate on broadly the same principles. The empirical situation is extremely complex-there are more than 600 shops representing about forty distinct commercial trades and nearly 300 workshops representing about thirty crafts-and on Thursdays the town population probably doubles. That the bazaar is an important local institution is beyond doubt: two-thirds of the town's labor force is employed there.	那裡有兩種集市：1）永久性集市，包括老城區的貿易區； 2）週期性的。每週四，它在牆外的不同地點舉行——這裡買地毯，那裡買穀物——這是一個非常複雜的區域週期的一部分，涉及其他各個市場和一周中的其他日子。這兩種集市截然不同，但它們的邊界相當具有滲透性，因此個人可以在它們之間自由移動，並且它們的運作原則大致相同。實際情況極其複雜——有超過 600 家商店，代表大約 40 種不同的商業貿易，近 300 家作坊，代表大約 30 種手工藝——週四，鎮上的人口可能會增加一倍。毫無疑問，市集是當地的重要機構：鎮上三分之二的勞動力都在那裡工作。
Empirical detail aside (a full-scale study by the author is in press), the bazaar is more than another demonstration of the truth that, under whatever skies, men prefer to buy cheap and sell dear. It is a distinctive system of social relationships centering around the production and consumption of goods and services-that is, a particular kind of economy, and it deserves analysis as such. Like an "industrial economy" or a "primitive economy," from both of which it markedly differs, a "bazaar economy" manifests its general processes in particular forms, and in so doing reveals aspects of those processes which alter our conception of their nature. Bazaar, that Persian word of uncertain origin which has come to stand in English for the oriental market, becomes, like the word market itself, as much an analytic idea as the name of an institution, and the study of it, like that of the market, as much a theoretical as a descriptive enterprise.	撇開實證細節不談（作者的一項全面研究正在出版），集市不僅僅是另一個事實的證明，即無論在什麼情況下，人們都喜歡便宜買貴賣。它是一種以商品和服務的生產和消費為中心的獨特的社會關係體系，即一種特殊的經濟，值得對其進行分析。就像與“工業經濟”或“原始經濟”明顯不同的“工業經濟”或“原始經濟”一樣，“集市經濟”以特定的形式表現出其一般過程，並通過這樣做揭示了這些過程的各個方面，從而改變了我們對其本質的概念。 Bazaar，這個起源不確定的波斯語單詞，在英語中代表東方市場，就像市場這個詞本身一樣，成為一個分析概念，就像一個機構的名稱，以及對它的研究，就像對市場的研究一樣。市場既是一個理論性的市場，也是一個描述性的企業。
II	二
Considered as a variety of economic system, the bazaar shows a number of distinctive characteristics. Its distinction lies less in the processes which operate and more in the way those processes are shaped into a coherent form. The usual maxims apply here as	集市作為一種經濟體系，表現出許多鮮明的特徵。它的差異不在於運作的過程，而更多在於這些過程被塑造成連貫形式的方式。通常的格言在這裡適用：
elsewhere: sellers seek maximum profit, consumers maximum utility; price relates supply and demand; factor proportions reflect factor costs. However, the principles governing the organization of commercial life are less derivative from such truisms than one might imagine from reading standard economic textbooks. where the passage from axioms to actualities tends to be rather nonchalantly traversed. It is those principlesmatters less of utility balances than of information flows-that give the bazaar its particular character and general interest.	其他地方：賣家追求利潤最大化，消費者追求效用最大化；價格與供給和需求有關；要素比例反映要素成本。然而，管理商業生活組織的原則並不像人們透過閱讀標準經濟教科書所想像的那樣源自於這些不言而喻的道理。來自公理的段落 現實往往是相當漫不經心的。正是這些原則對效用平衡的影響較小，而對資訊流動的影響較小──賦予了集市獨特的特徵和普遍的興趣。
To start with a dictum: in the bazaar information is poor, scarce, maldistributed, inefficiently communicated, and intensely valued. Neither the rich concreteness or reliable knowledge that the ritualized character of nonmarket economies makes possible, nor the elaborate mechanisms for information generation and transfer upon which industrial ones depend, are found in the bazaar: neither ceremonial distribution nor advertising; neither prescribed exchange partners nor product standardization. The level of ignorance about everything from product quality and going prices to market possibilities and production costs is very high, and much of the way in which the bazaar functions can be interpreted as an attempt to reduce such ignorance for someone. increase it for someone, or defend someone against it.	首先引用一句格言：在市集上，資訊貧乏、稀缺、分佈不均、溝通效率低且高度重視。在集市上既沒有非市場經濟的儀式化特徵所帶來的豐富的具體性或可靠的知識，也沒有工業經濟所依賴的複雜的信息生成和傳遞機制：既沒有儀式性的分配，也沒有廣告；既沒有規定交換夥伴，也沒有產品標準化。人們對從產品品質、行情到市場可能性和生產成本等各個方面的無知程度非常高，而集市的大部分運作方式可以被解釋為試圖減少某些人的這種無知。為某人增加它，或為某人辯護。
III	三、
These ignorances mentioned above are known ignorances, not simply matters concerning which information is lacking. Bazaar participants realize the difficulty in knowing if a cow is sound or its price right, and they realize also that it is impossible to prosper without knowing. The search for information one lacks and the protection of information one has is the name of the game. Capital, skill, and industriousness play, along with luck and privilege, as important a role in the bazaar as they do in any economic system. They do so less by increasing efficiency or improving products than by securing for their possessor an advantaged place in an enormously complicated, poorly articulated, and extremely noisy communication network.	上述這些無知是已知的無知，而不僅僅是缺乏資訊的問題。集市參與者意識到了解一頭牛是否健康或其價格是否合適是很困難的，他們也意識到如果不了解就不可能繁榮。尋找一個人所缺乏的資訊並保護一個人所擁有的資訊是遊戲的名稱。資本、技能和勤奮，以及運氣和特權，在市集中發揮著與在任何經濟體系中一樣重要的作用。它們的作用與其說是透過提高效率或改進產品，不如說是透過在極其複雜、銜接不暢且極其嘈雜的通訊網路中為其所有者確保有利的位置。
The institutional peculiarities of the bazaar thus seem less like mere accidents of custom and more like connected elements of a system. An extreme division of labor and localization of markets, heterogeneity of products and intensive price bargaining, fractionalization of transactions and stable clientship ties between buyers and sellers, itinerant trading and extensive traditionalization of occupation in ascriptive terms-these things do not just co-occur, they imply one another.	因此，集市的制度特徵看起來不像是純粹的習慣事故，而更像是一個系統的相互關聯的元素。市場極度分工和本土化、產品異質化和密集化 價格討價還價、交易的分散化、買家和賣家之間穩定的客戶關係、流動貿易和在歸屬術語中廣泛的傳統化職業——這些事情不僅同時發生，而且相互暗示。
The search for information-laborious. uncertain, complex, and irregular-is the central experience of life in the bazaar. Every aspect of the bazaar economy reflects the fact that the primary problem facing its participants (that is, "bazaaris") is not balancing options but finding out what they are.	尋找資訊是費力的。不確定、複雜、不規則──是集市生活的核心體驗。集市經濟的各個方面都反映出這樣一個事實：參與者（即「集市」）面臨的首要問題不是平衡選擇，而是找出它們是什麼。
IV	四
Information search, thus, is the really advanced art in the bazaar, a matter upon which everything turns. The main energies of the bazaari are directed toward combing the bazaar for usable signs, clues as to how particular matters at the immediate moment specifically stand. The matters explored may comprise everything from the industriousness of a prospective coworker to the supply situation in agricultural products. But the most persistent concerns are with price and quality of goods. The centrality of exchange skills (rather than production or managerial ones) puts a tremendous emphasis on knowing what particular things are actually selling for and what sorts of things they precisely are.	因此，資訊搜尋是市集中真正先進的藝術，也是一切事物的基礎。集市的主要精力是在集市中尋找可用的跡象，即當前特定事件具體情況的線索。探討的問題可能包括從未來同事的勤奮到農產品的供應等各方面。但最持久的擔憂是商品的價格和品質。交易技能（而不是生產或管理技能）的核心非常強調了解特定物品的實際售價以及它們到底是什麼類型。
The elements of bazaar institutional structure can be seen in terms of the degree to which they either render search a difficult and costly enterprise, or facilitate it and bring its costs within practical limits. Not that all those elements line up neatly on one or another side of the ledger. The bulk have effects in both directions, for bazaaris are as interested in making search fruitless for others as they are in making it effectual for themselves. The desire to know what is really occurring is matched with the desire to deal with people who don't but imagine that they do. The structures enabling search and those casting obstructions in its path are thoroughly intertwined.	市場制度結構的要素可以從以下方面來看待：它們要麼使搜索成為一項困難且成本高昂的事業，要麼為搜索提供便利並將其成本控制在實際限度內。並不是所有這些元素都整齊地排列在帳本的一側或另一側。大量的資訊對兩個方向都有影響，因為集市的人既熱衷於讓別人的搜尋毫無結果，也熱衷於讓搜尋對自己有效。想要知道到底發生了什麼事的願望，與與那些不知道但想像自己知道的人打交道的願望是相匹配的。能夠進行搜尋的結構和那些在搜尋路徑上設置障礙物的結構是完全交織在一起的。
Let me turn, then, to the two most im portant search procedures as such: clientelization and bargaining.	那麼，讓我來談談最令我印象深刻的兩個問題： 重要的搜尋程序如下：客戶化和討價還價。
V	五
Clientelization is the tendency, marked in Sefrou, for repetitive purchasers of particular goods and services to establish continuing relationships with particular purveyors of them, rather than search widely through the market at each occasion of need. The apparent Brownian motion of randomly colliding bazaaris conceals a resilient pattern of informal personal connections. Whether or not "buyers and sellers, blindfolded by a lack of knowledge simply grop[ing] about until they bump into one another" (S. Cohen, quoted in Rees, p. 110), is, as has been proposed, a reasonable description of modern labor markets, it certainly is not of the bazaar. Its buyers and sellers, moving along the grooved channels clientelization lays down, find their way again and again to the same adversaries.	客戶化是塞夫魯所指出的趨勢，即特定商品和服務的重複購買者與特定的供應商建立持續的關係，而不是在每次需要時廣泛搜尋市場。集市隨機碰撞的明顯布朗運動掩蓋了非正式人際關係的彈性模式。無論「買家和賣家因缺乏知識而被蒙住眼睛，只是摸索，直到他們互相碰觸」（S. Cohen，引自Rees，第110 頁），正如所提議的那樣，是否是一種合理的假設？描述現代勞動市場，那肯定不是集市。它的買家和賣家沿著客戶化所規定的凹槽管道移動，一次又一次地找到相同的對手。
"Adversaries" is the word, for clientship relations are not dependency relations, but competitive ones. Clientship is symmetrical, egalitarian, and oppositional. There are no "patrons" in the master and man sense here. Whatever the relative power, wealth, knowledge, skill, or status of the participants-and it can be markedly uneven-clientship is a reciprocal matter, and the butcher or wool seller is tied to his regular customer in the same terms as he to them. By partitioning the bazaar crowd into those who are genuine candidates for his attention and those who are merely theoretically such, clientelization reduces search to manageable proportions and transforms a diffuse mob into a stable collection of familiar antagonists. The use of repetitive exchange between acquainted partners to limit the costs of search is a practical consequence of the overall institutional structure of the bazaar and an element within that structure.	「對手」這個詞，因為客戶關係不是依賴關係，而是競爭關係。依附關係是對稱的、平等的、對立的。這裡沒有主人和人類意義上的「贊助人」。無論參與者的相對權力、財富、知識、技能或地位如何——而且可能明顯不平衡——客戶關係都是互惠的，屠夫或羊毛銷售商與他的常客的關係就像他與他們的關係一樣。 。透過將集市人群劃分為那些真正值得他關注的人，以及那些僅僅理論上如此的人，客戶化將搜索減少到可管理的比例，並將分散的暴民轉變為熟悉的穩定集合。 對手。利用熟悉的夥伴之間的重複交流來限制搜尋成本是集市整體制度結構的實際結果，也是該結構中的一個要素。
First, there is a high degree of spatial localization and "ethnic" specialization of trade in the bazaar which simplifies the process of finding clients considerably stabilizes its achievements. If one wants a kaftan or a mule pack made, one knows where, how, and for what sort of person to look. And, since individuals do not move easily from one line of work or one place to another, once you have found a particular bazaari in whom you have faith and who has faith in you, he is going to be there for awhile. One is not constantly faced with the necessity to seek out new clients. Search is made accumulative. and stabilizes its achievements. If one wants a kaftan or a mule pack made, one knows where, how, and for what sort of person to look. And, since individuals do not move easily from one line of work or one place to another, once you have found a particular bazaari in whom you have faith and who has faith in you, he is going to be there for awhile. One is not constantly faced with the necessity to seek out new clients. Search is made accumulative.	首先，市集上的貿易具有高度的空間在地化和「民族」專業化，這簡化了尋找客戶的過程，大大穩定了其業績。如果你想要一件長袍或穆勒包，你就知道在哪裡、如何以及為什麼樣的人來打造。而且，由於個人不容易從一種工作或一個地方轉移到另一個地方，一旦你找到了一個你有信心並且他也對你有信心的特定集市，他就會在那裡呆一段時間。人們並不總是需要尋找新客戶。搜尋是累積的。和 穩定其成績。如果你想要一件長袍或穆勒包，你就知道在哪裡、如何以及為什麼樣的人來打造。而且，由於個人不容易從一種工作或一個地方轉移到另一個地方，一旦你找到了一個你有信心並且他也對你有信心的特定集市，他就會在那裡呆一段時間。人們並不總是需要尋找新客戶。搜尋是累積的。
Second, clientelization itself lends form to the bazaar for it further partitions it, and does so in directly informational terms, dividing it into overlapping subpopulations within which more rational estimates of the quality of information, and thus of the appropriate amount and type of search, can be made. Bazaaris are not projected, as for example tourists are. into foreign settings where everything from the degree of price dispersion and the provenance of goods to the stature of participants and the etiquette of contact are unknown. They operate in settings where they are very much at home.	其次，客戶化本身為集市提供了形式，因為它進一步劃分了市場，並以直接信息的方式進行，將其劃分為重疊的子群體，在子群體中對信息的質量進行更合理的估計，從而對適當的搜尋量和類型進行更合理的估計，可以製作。集市不像遊客那樣被預測。進入外國環境，從價格分散程度、商品來源到參與者的地位和接觸禮儀，一切都是未知的。他們在非常自在的環境中工作。
Clientalization represents an actor-level attempt to counteract, and profit from, the system-level deficiencies of the bazaar as a communication network-its	客戶化代表了一種行動者層面的嘗試，旨在抵消集市作為通訊網路的系統層面的缺陷並從中獲利。
network-its structural intricacy and irregularity, the absence of certain sorts of signaling systems and the undeveloped state of others, and the imprecision, scattering, and uneven distribution of knowledge concerning economic matters of fact-by improving the richness and reliability of information carried over elementary links within it.	網路——其結構的複雜性和不規則性，某些信號系統的缺乏和其他信號系統的不發達狀態，以及有關經濟事實的知識的不精確、分散和分佈不均勻——通過提高所承載信息的豐富性和可靠性其中的基本連結。
VI	六、
The rationality of this effort, rendering the clientship relation dependable as a communication channel while its functional context remains unimproved, rests in turn on the presence within that relation of the sort of effective mechanism for information transfer that seems so lacking elsewhere. And as that relation is adversary, so is the mechanism: multidimensional intensive bargaining. The central paradox of bazaar exchange is that advantage stems from sur rounding oneself with relatively superior communication links, links themselves forged in sharply antagonistic interaction in which information imbalances are the driving force and their exploitation the end.	這種努力的合理性，使得客戶關係作為一種可靠的溝通管道，而其功能環境仍未得到改善，而這種努力的合理性又取決於這種關係中存在的那種在其他地方似乎非常缺乏的有效訊息傳遞機制。由於這種關係是敵對的，因此其機制也是如此：多維密集討價還價。集市交換的核心悖論是，優勢源於自身周圍有相對優越的溝通聯繫，這種聯繫是在尖銳的對抗性互動中形成的，其中資訊不平衡是驅動力，而剝削則是目的。
Bazaar bargaining is an understudied topic (but see Ralph Cassady), a fact to which the undeveloped state of bargaining theory in economics contributes. Here I touch briefly on two points: the multidimensionality of such bargaining and its intensive nature.	市集討價還價是一個尚未得到充分研究的話題（但請參閱拉爾夫·卡薩迪） ，這是經濟學中討價還價理論不發達造成的。這裡我簡單談兩點：這種討價還價的多維度和密集性。
First, multidimensionality: Though price setting is the most conspicuous aspect of bargaining, the bargaining spirit penetrates the whole of the confrontation. Quantity and/or quality may be manipulated while money price is held constant, credit arrangements can be adjusted, bulking or bulk breaking may conceal adjustments. and so on, to an astonishing range and level of detail. In a system where little is packaged or regulated, and everything is approximative, the possibilities for bargaining along non-monetary dimensions are enormous.	第一，多維性：雖然價格設定是討價還價中最引人注目的方面，但討價還價精神貫穿整個對抗過程。當貨幣價格保持不變時，數量和/或品質可能會被操縱，信貸安排可以 調整、散裝或散裝破壞可能會隱藏調整。等等，其範圍和細節程度令人驚嘆。在一個幾乎沒有包裝或監管的系統中，一切都是近似的，沿著非貨幣維度討價還價的可能性是巨大的。
Second, intensiveness: I use “intensive" in the way introduced by Rees, where it signifies the exploration in depth of an offer already received, a search along the intensive margin, as contrasted to seeking additional offers, a search along the extensive. Rees describes the used car market as one in which intensive search is prominent as a result of the high heterogeneity of products (cars driven by little old ladies vs. taxicabs, etc.) as against the new car market, where products are considered homogeneous, and extensive search (getting new quotations from other dealers) predominates.	其次，密集性：我按照里斯介紹的方式使用“密集”，它表示對已收到的報價進行深度探索，沿著密集的邊緣進行搜索，而不是尋求額外的報價，沿著廣泛的搜索。里斯將二手車市場描述為一個由於產品高度異質性（小老太太駕駛的汽車與出租車等）而進行密集搜索的市場，而新車市場則認為產品是同質的，並且廣泛的搜索（從其他經銷商處取得新的報價）占主導地位。
The prominence of intensive bargaining in the bazaar is thus a measure of the degree to which it is more like a used car market than a new car one: one in which the important information problems have to do with determining the realities of the particular case rather than the general distribution of comparable cases. Further, it is an expression of the fact that such a market rewards a "clinical” form of search (one which focuses on the diverging interests of concrete economic actors) more than it does a "survey" form (one which focuses on the general interplay of functionally defined economic categories). Search is primarily intensive because the sort of information one needs most cannot be acquired by asking a handful of index questions of a large number of people, but only by asking a large number of diagnostic questions of a handful of people. It is this kind of questioning, exploring nuances rather than canvassing populations, that bazaar bargaining represents.	因此，市集上密集討價還價的突出程度衡量了集市更像二手車市場而不是新車市場的程度：在這個市場中，重要的資訊問題與確定特定情況的現實有關，而不是與確定具體情況有關。比可比案例的一般分佈。此外，它還表達了這樣一個事實：這樣的市場獎勵「臨床」形式的搜尋（專注於不同興趣的搜尋）。 具體的經濟參與者）而不是「調查」形式（側重於功能定義的經濟類別的一般交互作用）。搜尋主要是密集的，因為人們最需要的資訊不能透過向大量人詢問少量索引問題來獲取，而只能透過向少數人詢問大量診斷問題來獲取。市集討價還價所代表的正是這種質疑，探索細微差別而不是遊說民眾。
This is not to say that extensive search plays no role in the bazaar; merely that it is ancillary to intensive. Sefrou bazaaris make a terminological distinction between bargaining to test the waters and bargaining to conclude an exchange, and tend to conduct the two in different places: the first with people with whom they have weak clientship ties, the second with people with whom they have firm ones. Extensive search tends to be desultory and to be considered an activity not worth large investments of time. (Fred Khuri reports that in the Rabat bazaar, bazaaris with shops located at the edge of the bazaar complain that such shops are "rich in bargaining but poor in selling." i.e. people survey as they pass, but do their real bargaining elsewhere.) From the point of view of search, the productive type of bargaining is that of the firmly clientelized buyer and seller exploring the dimensions of a particular, likely to be consummated transaction. Here, as elsewhere in the bazaar, everything rests finally on a personal confrontation between intimate antagonists.	這並不是說廣泛的搜索在集市中不起作用；而是說，廣泛的搜索在集市中不起作用。只是它是強化的輔助。塞夫魯 集市人士在術語上區分了試水討價還價和達成交易的討價還價，並且傾向於在不同的地方進行這兩種交易：第一種是與與他們的客戶關係較弱的人進行，第二種是與與他們有牢固的客戶關係的人進行。 。廣泛的搜尋往往是雜亂的，並且被認為是不值得投入大量時間的活動。 （弗雷德·庫裡（Fred Khuri）報告說，在拉巴特集市中，集市邊緣的商店的集市人抱怨說，這些商店「討價還價能力強，但銷售能力較差。」也就是說，人們在經過時會進行調查，但真正的討價還價是在其他地方進行的。）從搜索的角度來看，富有成效的討價還價類型是堅定客戶化的買方和賣方探索特定的、可能完成的交易的維度。在這裡，就像市集上的其他地方一樣，一切最終都取決於親密對手之間的個人對抗。
The whole structure of bargaining is determined by this fact: that it is a communication channel evolved to serve the needs of men at once coupled and opposed. The rules governing it are a response to a situation in which two persons on opposite sides of some exchange possibility are struggling both to make that possibility actual and to gain a slight advantage within it. Most bazaar "price negotiation" takes place to the right of the decimal point. But it is no less keen for that.	討價還價的整個結構是由以下事實決定的：它是一種為滿足需求而發展的溝通管道 男人們既結合又對立。管理它的規則是對這樣一種情況的回應，在這種情況下，處於某種交換可能性的對立面的兩個人正在努力使這種可能性成為現實並在其中獲得輕微的優勢。大多數市集的「價格談判」都發生在小數點右邊。但它對此的熱情絲毫不減。
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